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Chitral's Elections -letters
Letter 6
I would like to put forward my views about election results in Chitral. As both the previous writers on the said topic belong to Ismaili belt and most probably not well aware of the situation in lower Chitral. I have worked and visited more places and met more people both in Ismaili and Sunni areas and know some thing on this topic. During my sittings the main issues raised every where by ismailis were:
Shahzada Muhyuddin has been behind communal division in Chitral, when he goes to Ismaili areas he tells people that the he is the one protecting the rights of Ismailies strengthening their institutions. He is the one who fights against the views of extremist Mullahs, he is the one who stoned Benazir Bhotto at Shandoor when she rejected the idea of two districts in Chitral that was in the supreme interest of the people in upper Chitral, etc.
When he goes to Sunni area Shahzada becomes the only man working against the unbalanced development activities in Chitral. He is the one who tried to stop the first micro finance bank with harsh worlds while addressing the board of governors at river view hotel and insulted them disapproving the suggestion of bank in Chitral as district Nazim. He is the one who introduced another organization to jeopardize the Immami institutions in Chitral. He uses the SRSP head office to collect proves against the AKDN’s biased attitude. He is the one who protects the rights of Sunnies demoralizing the Immami institutions with full force to balance the development in Chitral. He is the one wrote letter directly to Prince Aga Kan against AKDN in Chitral which was an insulting attitude in the view of most the Ismaili leaders and strong believers.
These are the Tales I have listened thousand times in each valley, villages and hamlets in Ismaili dominated areas. In Sunni areas there are no such stories. They don’t like him because of his prolonged unproductive leadership as chairman district council, as district Nazim and even as federal minister. The nomination of G. Muhyuddin for PPP was a well planed Shahzada-conspiracy to divide PPP in Chitral.
Beside on all the above provable facts he got the sympathies of 90% Ismaili community in G.Chashma and K. Abad and Mastuj areas, The reasons could be either, AKDN could not play effective role in social development and awareness creation in upper chitral even after two decades, or his voters think Shahzada is only effective protection shield against growing extremism OR the Ismaili Tales I have mentioned above were part of concealed attitude of the people of upper Chitral. I don’t think it could be a Farmaan of His Highness the Aga Khan.
Dr. Khalil Jughooru Hamilton Canada Phone # 905 662 2091
Letter 5 This refers to Islamuddin’s letter mourning over the results of the recent elections in Chitral. According to his analysis the ideals of democracy, honest politics, morality and public interest suffered grievously because the results did not reflect his aspirations. All these ideals were lost, according to him, because there was disunity in the Chitral branch of the Pakistan Peoples Party, because Begum Suleman exerted her influence in the selection of its candidates particularly getting a seat for her son, and because Shahzada Mohiuddin ran a successful campaign and got elected. Islamuddin would have wished that the Peoples Party in Chitral was united and its candidates had swept the elections, not the ones selected by its high command but the ones he had in mind. He would have wished to see Shahzada Muhiuddin loosing the election and unity between the Sunnis and Ismailis forged through the slogan of his ideal candidate Sardar Muhammad. What a wish list? What ethical boundaries were crossed and legal codes of conduct were violated when Begum Suleman was able to influence the decision making authority of the Peoples Party despite being occasional visitor to Chitral? What political, legal or moral crimes were committed when Shahzada Muhiuddin was able to sway the majority in his support and get himself elected for the fifth time? What violation of the community discipline did it entail if Ismailis in one valley preferred to support one candidate and those in another valley support other candidate? In a democratic process, there are individuals who have the capacity and means to influence people on the ground and decision makers at the high echelons, there are interest groups lobbying to promote their respective political agendas, and there are individual voters who exercise their right to vote based on how a candidate or a party is best positioned to serve their interests as they see them. All these forces influence the political landscape in every country and that is politics and that is the reality. What is missing in the analysis which is more whimsical and emotional than rational and analytical is the part as to the process and conduct of elections in Chitral. The readers like me would have liked to know as to how fairly elections were conducted. There is nothing that can tell the readers that there were irregularities involved in the election process or rigging of votes took place in any of the district’s polling stations. This is the greatest credit to the people of Chitral for demonstrating real political maturity by conducting violence free elections. Thus, there is hope for the development of mature political culture in Chitral rather than the dismay that Islamuddin has expressed. While acknowledging that Islamuddin has raised some important questions regarding the behaviour of the politicians, I found two points in Islamuddin’s exposition outrageous and unacceptable. In his opinion, Shahzada Muhiuddin does not qualify to speak of enlightened moderation because his ancestors as rulers of Chitral adopted a policy of conversion towards Ismailis. It is outrageous because in the course of history many things have happened, bad as well as good according to the conditions of the time. Digging the old graves and judging a person’s character of today with reference to historical events of the past is not only unfair to the person but also irresponsible. If high standards of ethics and morality to be upheld, then the person whether Shahzada Muhiuddin or anybody else must be judged by his own character not by the character of any of his ancestors. Shahzada Muhiuddin has been in public service for a long time. He has served the people, may be sometimes to their satisfaction and other times to their dismay. During his career, some have supported him passionately and others have opposed him fiercely. This is true for every public figure whether he is Shahzada Muhiuddin or Ataliq Jafar Ali Shah or Mowlana Abdur Rahim or any of the past or current public figures. They serve as best as they think in a given point in time and for that we must respect them. The second point that I am particularly perturbed with is Islamuddin’s advocacy of Sunni and Ismaili unity through forging alliance with the Jamat-e-Islami. First, all Sunnis in Chitral are not member of this political party; it has the support of a small segment of the Sunni community. It is a party that draws its ideals from a rigid radical interpretation of Islamic revelation and history and also within its fold loyalty to the party is not based on religious conviction but based on a political agenda embedded in the blanket of religion. It is a political party like any other interest group. I know someone personally who was a fanatic activists of its student wing in Karachi University in the department of International Relations in the seventies and distributed sweets on the day of Zulfiqar Ali Bhtto’s execution and to my surprise became advisor to his daughter and successor late Banazir Bhutto. Ismailis in Chitral belong to a community not a political party or an interest group; every Ismaili, as a citizen has the right to exercise his vote the way he or she wants. Comparing a political party with the Ismaili community is absolutely ridiculous. Even worse is to make a sweeping judgement about the leaders and institutions of the community being supportive of a candidate or a party. If an Ismaili leader has violated the community’s discipline spelled out in its constitution ordained by the Imam, then Islamuddin should have the courage to point out the individual rather than making a blanket statement. Furthermore, it is neither his business nor any politician’s or for that matter anyone else to interpret the Farman of the Ismaili Imam. It is the Imam’s prerogative to assign that responsibility to whomever he wishes. It will be appreciated if Islamuddin leaves the matters related to the Ismaili community to the Imam and his established institutions. Mir Baiz Khan Ontario, Canada Letter 4 Mr. Islamuddin from Garam Chasma provides an interesting analysis of the local election results in his letter to Chitral News. In what he describes as "Chitral's Troubled Elections", the writer narrates the maneuvering and intrigue involved in the recent campaign. The letter opines that "Democracy, honest politics and morality have suffered grievously". He concludes that had it not been for the choice of poor candidates and subterfuge, the election results would have been very different. This may well be true but I fail to understand why strategy, subterfuge and scheming in electioneering should come as a surprise to the learned journalist. Readers following media coverage of the current American nominations process can attest to the level of scheming and intrigue that is going on in American politics. The only difference being that things are being done on a much grander scale! What is important however, is that all players abide by accepted rules of electioneering as set out by an election commission. Returning to the recent Chitral elections, we witnessed a spirited three way race in which one candidate had to emerge the victor. Such is the reality of the democratic process and we must learn to accept the mandate of the people.That nearly 200 000 eligible voters were able to cast their votes in over 200 polls without any untoward incident is a testament to the people of Chitral. Despite reports from European Union observers of vote rigging in favour of the ruling establishment in other districts of Pakistan, I have not heard concerns voiced about the poll results in Chitral. Most Pakistanis believe strongly in the democratic process and the need to develop a culture of voting. Hence all Pakistanis should be rightfully proud of the conduct of our fellow citizens in the recent elections. Indeed I would argue that Pakistanis have a greater appreciation of grass roots democracy. Whereas apathetic Western voters often blindly cast their vote for a party representative, Pakistani voters pay greater attention to the individual candidate. The number of independent candidates elected to Pakistan's National Assembly reflects this reality. In Chitral District, the strong showing of an independent candidate is evidence of the maturity of Chitrali voters. Unfortunately, Mr. Islamuddin's elections' analysis makes a number of uncharitable remarks about Begum Shahzada Suleman which cannot go unanswered. Begum Suleman remains an inspiration to a generation of Chitrali women regardless of political affiliations. She singularly advanced the cause of women's rights in Chitral through her efforts with her party's Women's Wing. As a long time PPP party stalwart, Begum Suleman used her personal influence to open the first Child and Women's Welfare Centre in Chitral. Begum Nusrat Bhutto presided over its inauguration and ushered in an era of greater understanding of the needs and challenges faced by the people of Chitral. Begum Suleman continues to travel tirelessly from village to village encouraging women to exercise their right to vote. To suggest that that she only travels to Chitral during elections is simply untrue. In the interests of disclosure I can attest to spending many pleasant summers in Chitral with Begum Suleman who is my paternal Aunt. Her role as a senior party leader necessitates her frequent travels outside the district of Chitral. She is a readily identifiable icon of Chitral who has represented the people of Chitral on many occasions; most recently during functions involving the late Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. Indeed my acquaintances in Karachi, Lahore, Quetta and Islamabad see her as an independent, determined and self made Chitrali woman. As such, she should be celebrated as a senior stateswoman of Chitrali politics, even if one disagrees with her political positions. Although I am not a PPP party member, I understand that senior party members tend to wield greater influence in the decision making process. I believe such to be the case with most most organizations.Regardless, differences of opinion should be settled according to party protocol. For reasons which confound me, Mr. Islamuddin has chosen to cast aspersions on the victor of the recent elections and his ancestors. To suggest that the ancestors of Chitral's former ruling house are somehow responsible for creating communal tensions in the district is beneath the dignity of all Chitralis. To bridge the communal divide we need greater understanding and a common platform as citizens of one great land. If anything the writer is trying to fan the flames of communal tensions with inflammatory rhetoric. The presence of large numbers of minority groups in Chitral stands as modern day evidence of the tolerant and enlightened ways of Chitral's former rulers. The example of neighboring Nuristan in Afghanistan should remind those who have no understanding of intolerance. King Amanullah's treatment of the Kalash in Afghanistan stands in stark contrast to that of the then Mehtar of Chitral. Chitral's Kalash have long flourished and Kalash refugees from Nuristan were provided shelter from virtual extinction. Looking at our adjacent district of Dir, I am reminded of the harsh rule of the former Nawabs over the local populace. Again large numbers of locals from Dir sought refuge in Chitral under the relatively benign rule of the Mehtars. I am not trying to purposely ignore or deny the excesses of the Royal House of Chitral or its Rulers. I am simply pointing out that a dynasty is judged by the sum aggregate of its achievements. Some in Britain may associate the British Royal Family with the African slave trade but the majority of British respect the role of the monarchy and its positive influence on British history and institutions. I would humbly submit that we look to the positive contributions of the Royal House of Chitral and move away from the politics of division. Feudalism continues to exist in many parts of Pakistan, but the scourge of feudalism has disappeared from the landscape of Chitral. This is evidence enough of the Royal Family of Chitral's commitment to the ideals of a social democratic Pakistan based on the ideals of the Quaid and Allama Iqbal. Shahzadi Sofia Baig MD USA
Letter 3
The results of the elections 2008 have ushered in an era of democratic revival in Pakistan that has been reeling under a dictatorial rule for the past eight years. This came as a stamp on the political maturity of the masses who know better that what course of action they should take through the power of the ballot. The people have given their verdict to bring a change in the current political dispensation giving way to a new one which could possibly redress their grievances in an appropriate manner. It is abundantly evident that our masses have ‘come of age’ and this dictum also holds true for the people of Chitral to a considerable extent.
Undoubtedly the people of Chitral like their countrymen have elected their representatives by majority of votes in their favor. Their verdict should be honoured by the cross-section of the society. Baseless speculations and conjectures are making the round through various ways to spoil the overall environment in Chitral in the wake of the results of elections over there. It is the rule of democracy that whoever grabs majority of votes is declared the winner and is entitled to represent the masses. As per results shazada Mohyuddin has emerged victorious as a member of National Assembly from Chitral, who has also remained in the same position in the past. The two newly elected members for PF 89 and PF 90 i.e. Ghulam Muhammad and Saleem Khan are the new faces to be representing their respective electorate in the provincial assembly. One thing is for sure that these are the persons elected through popular vote of the cross-section of Chitrali society.
The critics are uselessly trying their hand at maligning the popular verdict that the people of Chitral have given through the power of their vote. Whether it was a Musharraf factor or anything else the truth of the matter is that the people of Chitral have exercised their right of vote and it is now up to them as to how they are going to judge their representatives by holding them accountable for their every action in the coming days. If they fail to come up to their expectations contrary to the promises they have made to the people they would definitely be taken to task in the next general elections again through the ballet; but it does not behove us to create rumpus before time.
This is an admitted fact that there is a complete freedom in Chitral for every hue and color of people. No one is under the subjugation of another in exercising their freedom. The erstwhile stately rule has come to an end much before and the Chitralis have their say in the matters of their routine life. There is a need to dispel this misperception that there are feudal lords in Chitral perpetrating a monopoly on the downtrodden. Truly speaking, there is no such divide existing in Chitral unlike most of the areas in Punjab, Sind and Baluchistan . Such misperceptions are created by some vested politicians aimed at creating disharmony in our society.
These politicians must realize the fact that their wrong premises could possibly create stratification in our society which is not by any stretch of imagination in the interest of Chitral. To divide a society on the racial, sectarian and communal bases is no less than inviting destruction. This is the age of science and reason, and we have to move ahead in that direction within the parameters set by our religion. This is what the young generation needs to be trained in by throwing away the wrong notions of class-distinctions from their mind.
The learned people should contribute through their writings what the newly elected representatives must do to address the basic issues like education, health care, energy needs and other amenities of life, instead of resorting to their character assassination or media trial. Raising the issues of the outdated government promulgations like the Land Reforms Act and 1975 Notification, is tantamount to forsaking the basic issues, as the said promulgations are not Chitral-specific. The gigantic landowners are not in Chitral but strolling somewhere else.
These are the political gimmicks of the monopolistic politicians to hoodwink the innocent masses and to gain political mileage. The Chitralis particularly the learned people must not play into their hands in the best interest of Chitral. The Chitralis want love not hatred, peace not turmoil, harmony not disharmony and progression not regression. Every individual, be a politician, religious cleric, an intellectual, a teacher, student or a common man, should exert their energies to fulfill these demands and be an epitome for the realization of the same.
Khalid Pervez, Booni, Chitral.
Letter 2
All parties belong to the Muslim umma; there is nothing wrong with shifting from one part to another in the best interest of the public. Look at the sitaution from the following angle. In the prevailing circumstances, we cannot afford to sit on the opposition benches for five years. No one will hear our voice. There I think the MNA and MPA's should sit together and decide to follow a common political path. The important point to bear in mind is that we suffered a lot owing to the in-fighting between JUI and JI members during the past five years. The same drama may not be staged again. Another point is that as compared to other districts we have only three members which make one third of the members elected from Dir, Swat, and other districts. It is due to such compulsions that our people want our representatives to be with the party in power.
Dr Inayatullah Faizi Balim, Chitral.
Letter 1 This letter refers to the recently published two letters of Mr. Islamauddin of Garum Chashma in Chitraltimes and Chitralnews (online edition). The writer is one of the intellectuals of Chitral who possess good knowledge of changing paradigms of politics, social and economic development in the area. In these letters he has presented critical analyses of factors which influenced the results of election 2008 in Chitral. The key arguments of these analytical letters are put forwarded by the writer to create a conclusion with the following main points: Pakistan Peoples Party Parliamentarian lost a confirm seat of NA 32 Chitral due to its bad choice of candidate in the recent election. The writer termed PPP contender for NA as weak, unknown and unacceptable for PPP workers. This is why that PPP could not benefit from the sympathy waves created after assassination of Muhtarama Benazir Bhutoo. As a severe reaction, PPP workers in Chitral with huge assistance from District Government and Jamat-e-Islami, supported Mr. Sardar Ahmed an independent candidate (PPP Loyalist during his civil service) for National Assembly Seat. Massive support for Mr. Sardar Ahmed was a good initiative and it could lead to emancipation of Chitralis who are still controlled by feudal structure. The campaigners of Mr. Sardar Ahmed mismanaged massive mobilization and could not translate this movement in to vote power. One of the factors was aggressive attitude of frontline spacepersons of Chitral Dost Mutahida Movement which resulted in diversion of voters to Sahazada Muhaiuddin. However, this campaign was a great demonstration of Suni-Ismaili unity which was spoiled by main players due to misled steps during election process. Instead of focusing on real issues, the election process witnessed a personality based campaign and Chitralis demonstrated an immature attitude and voters were guided by unfair beliefs such as religious and ethnic affiliation, geographic location of settlements, blackmailing through both formal and informal institutions and monetary incentives. If problem persists, Chitral Dost Movement would get more strength (which is bad or good--not clear in the letter). The Ismaili community overwhelmingly supported Shahzada Muhaiuddin and Ismaili leaders misquoted His Highness the Aga Khan’s guidance and institutionally made efforts for Muslim League Q. As evidence the writer mentioned that one of presidents of Ismaili local council was seen in car with flag of a political party (perhaps PMLQ). Ismaili should have not supported Sahazada Muhaiuddin as his ancestors forcefully converted Ismailis in to Sunis in past, therefore, Shazada Muhaiuddin’s personality does not suit to follow the enlightened moderation slogan of Pervez Musharaf. My analyses of the current election process have established different facts. I partially agree with the first point of the writer that PPP ticket holder was not bona fide worker of PPP. Selection of Fardad Ali Shah would have been stronger point for PPP due to his own vote bank and his personal strength; however, there was also opposition from some party workers on his nomination during preliminary process of candidate selection. The campaign of Mr. Sardar Ahmed remained focused on a single point that three of the party ticket holders in Chitral belonged to prince family. This stance rejected the notion that Begum Shahzad Suleman has life long association with PPP and Ghulam Muhaiuddin was a genuine worker of PPP and his candidature was approved by Shaheed Benazir Bhutoo in a party meeting. Chitral Dost Movement leaders motivated the people on this issue and it was general consensus among them that Mr. Sardar Ahmed was real representative of PPP supporter as he belonged to a family which is acceptable for common people or workers of PPP. Perhaps, the writer’s term of weak in the letter indicates this point otherwise Ghulam Muhaiuddin was qualified with regard to education and party membership. With due respect, I totally disagree with the argument of the writer that Chiltralis are trying to emancipate from feudalism and Mr. Sardar Ahmed was the only option to end the miseries of Chitralis. As defined by Chitral Dost Movement, economically Mr. Sardar Ahmed qualifies to be categorized as privileged one; however, the manifestation of this definition emerged horribly in a different way during the election campaign. This action of campaigners not only created a social division in the already fragile social system due to persistent gap between Suni and Ismaili communities, but also caused rupture in the social foundation of the society. Many people remained confused about their social identity because the campaigners provided them with only two options to choose. The People of Chitral always conscious about their ethnic affiliation, and even in social and economic transition period in a knowledge economy era, a majority of people proud to be associated with certain clans. Revealing their ethnic association recently by many groups and prevalence of both push and pull factors in terms of rejection and acceptance of these claims by host clans exemplifies this situation. I am surprised, based on these dividers, how does the writer expect to have positive results from a struggle which over looks the real issues and exploits the weak point of poor people in relation to their ethnic affiliation. The Writer’s argument on non-issue politics also substantiates this point. In my view such situation will not only widen the gaps between communities but reverse the process of social and economic development. The social division created by this election campaign is visible and the gap seems to be widening in days ahead. Considering the interests of population in certain geographic location is not an unfair deal. In a power struggle, interests of individuals and social groups play important role in shaping politics and setting strategic direction for development. In developing countries like Pakistan, one should not expect that people fully avoid these factors while choosing their representatives. The writer has concluded without thoroughly looking at the distribution of votes among candidates. This was the only election where there was a very close contest among contenders and the wining candidates clinched with marginal lead. Champions of spatial and community oriented packed votes could not maintain their relevancy. Voting pattern in Lotkoh, Chitral town and Drosh demonstrates this new trend. In upper Chitral majority of people in Ismaili dominated villages supported PML Q. However, this credit goes to Mr. Ghulam Muhammad (PML Q) who ran his campaign in an organized way and motivated the inhabitants of Beyar area to have the MPA in their side. This effort not only resulted in huge support for him but also for Shahzada Muhaiuddin. In addition, MMA candidate also secured considerable amount of votes in Ismaili dominated area. This diversity of support from Ismaili community negates the argument of the learned writer. Perhaps, while analyzing the election process, the writer has limited himself to the local political dynamics which dominated his views and misguided him throughout his assessment process. The people of Chitral expect that leaders (not only political) should think over the new developments and their consequences. Strengthening the efforts of those who work on dividers would further deteriorate the situation. It is high time that leaders should avoid to disturb the social fabric and reduce the gap created by some individuals with vested interested during election campaign. Failure to this end would bring about a negative change in the society and it will provide the external forces with opportunity to accelerate their exploitation of local people particularly in near future when this area is going to be exposed to outside world after completion of Lawari tunnel. Sajjad Ali Qasumandeh Booni Gole Chitral
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